Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE)

(Pollock, Bailey, Berni, Fletcher, Hinton, Johnson, Roberts, & Weaver, 1998)

Last updated: March 17, 2001
This page will be updated as information becomes available.


Features Involving Unstressed Syllables

Initial and Medial Unstressed Syllable Deletion (IM-USD)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Deletion of unstressed syllables;
initial and medial word position only
unstressed syll = V only > unstressed syll = CV
closed grammatical class > open grammatical class
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Occurs in most varieties of English, most frequent in AAVE, possibly more common in older speakers Rural: +
Urban: +
General: Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Cukor-Avila, 1989; Rickford, 1999; Vaughn-Cooke, 1987
Children: Vaughn-Cooke, 1976, 1986


Haplology (HAP)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Deletion of reduplicated syllable.
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Occurs in most varieties of English,
more frequent in AAVE
Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Wolfram, 1994


Prevocalic Voicing of /p/ Initial Unstressed Syllables (PV-IUP)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Voicing of initial singleton /p/ in initial unstressed syllables.
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occurs in SWVE Reported in Memphis data Pollock & Berni, 1996, 1997a, 1997b

Features Involving Clusters

Final Cluster Reduction (F-CR)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Deletion of second consonant in final consonant cluster; both consonants must share voicing single morpheme > double morpheme
unstressed > stressed
following consonant > following vowel
alveolar plosive > other consonant
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Occurs in all varieties of English, more frequent in AAVE Rural: +
Urban: +
Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999


Metathesis (FsC-MET)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Metathesis of final /s/ + stop 
clusters
may be lexically determined - primarily "ask"
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occured in earlier forms of SWVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999


Backing in /str/ Clusters (BK-str)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Substitution of /k/ for /t/ in 
initial /str/clusters
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Apparently unique to AAVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999



Initial /r/ Cluster Reduction (ICR-r)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
most often with unstressed "thr" or
in unstressed syllables
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Occurs in other non-standard varieties
of English, esp. in the South
Hinton & Pollock, 2000; Wolfram, 1994



Initial /j/ cluster Reduction (ICR-j)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Deletion of /j/ in /Cj/ sequences usually followed by /u/ vowel
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Apparently unique to AAVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998



Initial /j/ Cluster Rhotacization (Irhot-J)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Rhotacization of /j/ in /Cj/ sequences usually followed by /u/ vowel
possibly a regional variant of ICR-J
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Apparently unique to AAVE
(may be limited to Southern AAVE)
Reported in Memphis data

Features Involving Final Consonants

Final Consonant Deletion (FCD)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Deletion of singleton consonants in
syllable-final position
Note: When final nasals deleted, nasality maintained on preceding vowel. When voiced obstruents deleted, length of preceding vowel maintained. Consonants remaining from reduced final clusters may be eligible for deletion.
Nasal>non-nasal
coronal>non-coronal
voiced>voiceless
may be lexically determined
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Apparently unique to AAVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999; Wolfram, 1994



Final Obstruent Devoicing (FDV-Ob)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Syllable-final obstruents are devoiced;
length of preceding vowel maintained
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Apparently unique to AAVE
Note: Fasold (1981) points out that although devoicing of final /d/ also occurs in Southern white vernaculars, the devoiced /d/ in AAVE is different because it is also glottalized (see F-Glot-d).
Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Fasold, 1981; Fasold & William, 1970; Wolfram, 1994


Final /d/ Glottalization (F-Glot-d)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Final devoiced /d/ becomes a glottal stop or a glottalized /t/. (an extension of FDV-Ob)
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Apparently unique to AAVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Fasold, 1981

Features Involving Interdentals

Labialization of Interdental Fricatives (LAB-th)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Interdental fricatives replaced with
labiodental fricatives 
Syllable-final and intervocalic>syllable intial
voiceless>voiced
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occured in earlier forms of
SWVE
Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999


Stopping of Interdental Fricatives (ST-th)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Interdental fricatives replaced with stops voiced>voiceless; initial > final
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occurs in Northern non-standard varieties Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999


Stopping of Interdental Voiceless Fricatives Near Nasals (ST-th-N)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occurs in Northern non-standard varieties Bailey & Thomas, 1998


Alveolarization of Voiceless Interdental Fricatives (ALV-th)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Reported in Memphis data

Features Involving Other Fricatives

Stopping of Voiced Fricatives Before Syllabic Nasals (ST-Vd-N)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Voiced fricatives preceding syllabic nasals may
be stopped.
Note: /d/ may actually go to a glottal stop through
FDV-Ob and American English allophonic rule of /t/ realized as a glottal stop before syllabic nasals
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occurs in SWVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Wolfram, 1994

Features Involving Lateral Liquids

Vocalization of /l/ (VOC-l)
Description Internal Constraints Examples

Note:  After mid back vowels, vocalized /l/ may coalesce with 
vowel, as in "ball" becomes "ba" or "bowl" becomes "bo"
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Occurs in many varieties of English, frequent in AAVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Fasold & Wolfram, 1970


Deletion of /l/ Before Labials(DEL-l)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
When /l/ comes after a vowel and before a labial consonant in the same syllable, /l/ may be deleted
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Fasold & Wolfram, 1970; Rickford, 1999

Features Involving Vocalic & Postvocalic /r/

Derhotacization or Deletion of Vocalic and Postvocalic /r/ (DeRhot)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Vocalic /r/ (also known as syllabic /r/ or a rhotic vowel) produced as a non-rhotic vowel.  Postvocalic /r/ (also known as a rhotic diphthong) produced as non-rhotic vowel or deleted.  Following front vowels, most often replaced by non-rhotic vowel.  Following back vowels, most often deleted.  Intervocalic /r/ may also be affected, esp. when following mid back vowel.
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Historically well-recognized feature of SWVE, but now rapidly disappearing from this dialect; now may occur primarily in older speakers in rural areas  Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Pollock & Berni, 1996, 1997a, 1997b; Rickford, 1999


Schwa Offglide (Schwa-off)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
A schwa offglide may follow vocalic or 
postvocalic /r/.
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Unique to AAVE Reported in Memphis data Pollock & Berni, 1996, 1997a, 1997b


Vowel Centralization Before /r/ (VC-r)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Front vowels preceding /r/ may be
centralized, deleted, or rhotacized
VC-r and Schwa-off frequently co-occur
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Unique to AAVE Reported in Memphis data Pollock & Berni, 1996, 1997a, 1997b


Raised Onglide to Stressed Syllabic /r/ (RO-3^)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Addition of -like quality as
onglide to stressed syllabic /r/
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Unique to AAVE Reported in Memphis data Pollock & Berni, 1996, 1997a, 1997b

Features Involving Diphthongs (non-rhotic)

Description Internal Constraints Examples
Second element of diphthong / aI/ deleted; first element typically lengthened Only in open syllables or before nasals or voiced obstruents
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Found in SWVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Rickford, 1999; Wolfram, 1994

Description Internal Constraints Examples
Second element of diphthong deleted  typically in multisyllablic words before voiced obstruents
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Reported in Memphis data

Description Internal Constraints Examples
Second element of diphthong  deleted or centralized Mostly in open syllables or multisyllablic words before voiced obstruents
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Rickford, 1999; Wolfram, 1994

Monophthongization & Syllable Reduction Before Liquid (MSR-L)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Found in SWVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998

Features Involving Vowels (non-rhotic)

Tensing of Lax Vowels (Tns)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Lax vowels are produced as tense vowels esp. before liquids & velars
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Found in SWVE Reported in Memphis data


Description Internal Constraints Examples
Coronal > Non-Coronal (pin/pen > him/hem) The words "pin" and "pen"
become homonymous.
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Widespread in AAVE and SWVE after 1875  Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Brown, 1991; Labov, 1968; Wolfram, 1994


Tense/Lax Merger Before /l/ (MRG-T/L)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Before tautosyllablic /l/, tense front vowels 
are laxed (e.g., the words "wheel" and "will" are homonymous)
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Widespread in SWVE and AAVE after 1875 Bailey & Thomas, 1998; Wolfram, 1994


Raised /ae/ (Rs-ae)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also occurs in many Northern cities dialects, but probably unrelated to AAVE; does not occur in SWVE; widespread in AAVE after 1875 Bailey & Thomas, 1998


Rhotacization of /I/ (Rhot-I)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Rhotacization of /I/ in words with
following postvocalic or syllabic /l/
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Unique to AAVE Reported in Memphis data Pollock & Berni, 1996, 1997a, 1997b

Features that Existed in Earlier Forms of AAVE

Long Offglides of /ae/ (Off-ae)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
/ae/ produced with long offglide towards [i] Most common before voiceless fricatives
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Only used by older persons in rural areas Southern: +
Rural: +
Urban: -
Schremp, 1996



 

Monophthongal /e/ and /o/ (Mono-e,o)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
/e/ and /o/ produced as monophthongs
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Reported in Gullah and Caribbean Creoles.  In English dialects, does not occur in speakers born after 1900; in 1800s, occurred only in AAVE Bailey & Thomas, 1998

Prosodic Features

Front Stressing (FrStress)
Description Internal Constraints Examples
Stress moved to first syllable of words Lexically determined
Scope and Direction Geographical or Rural/Urban References
Also in SWVE Rickford, 1999; Wolfram, 1994

References

Bailey, G., & Thomas, E. (1998). Some aspects of African-American Vernacular English phonology.  In S. Mufwene, J. Rickford, G. Bailey, & J. Baugh (Eds.), African American English: Structure, History, and Use.  London: Routledge, pp. 85-109.

Bleile, K., & Wallach, H. (1992).  A sociolinguistic investigation of the speech of African American preschoolers.  American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 1, 54-62.

Brown, V. (1991). Evolution of the merger of  /E/ and /I/ before nasals in Tennessee.  American Speech, 66, 303-315.

Fasold, R. (1981). The relationship between black and white English in the South.  American Speech, 56, 163-189.

Fasold, R. & Wolfram, W.  (1970).  Some linguistic features of Negro dialect.  In R. Fasold & R. Shuy (Eds.), Teaching Standard English in the Inner City. Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics, pp. 41-86.

Haynes, W., & Moran, M. (1989).  A cross-sectional developmental study of final consonant production in southern black children from preschool through third grade.  Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools, 20, 400-406.

Hinton, L.N. & Pollock, K.E. (2000).  Regional variations in the phonological characteristics of African American Vernacular English. World Englishes, 19(1), 39-58.

Labov, W.  (1972).  Language in the Inner City.  Philadelphia:  University of Pennsylvania Press.

Luelsdorff, P.A. (1975).  A Segmental Phonology of Black English.  The Hague: Mouton.

Moran, M. (1993) Final consonant deletion in African American children speaking Black English: A closer look.  Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in the Schools, 24, 161-166.

Pollock, K., & Berni, M.C. (1996).  Vocalic and postvocalic /r/ in African American Memphians.  Paper presented at the New Ways of Analyzing Variation in English (NWAVE) meeting, Las Vegas, NV.

Pollock, K., & Berni, M. (1997a).  Variation in vocalic and postvocalic /r/ in AAVE.  Paper presented at the annual convention of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, Boston, MA.

Pollock, K., & Berni, M. (1997b).  Acquisition of /r/ by African American and European American children.  Paper presented at the annual convention of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, Boston, MA.

Rickford, J. (1999).  African American English: Features, Evolution, Educational Implications.  Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Seymour, H., & Rablate, P. (1985).  The acquisition of a phonologic feature of Black English.  Journal of Communication Disorders, 18, 139-148.

Schremp, M.B. (1996). The distribution of [ QI] in the American South.  Unpublished thesis, The University of Memphis, Memphis, TN.

Seymour, H., & Seymour, C. (1991).  Black English and Standard American English contrasts in consonantal development for four- and five- year olds.  Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, 46, 276-280.

Stockman, I. (1996).  Phonological development and disorders in African American children.  In A. Kamhi, K. Pollock, & J. Harris (Eds.), Communication Development and Disorders in African American children: research, Assessment and Intervention.  Baltimore: Paul Brookes, pp. 117-153.

Vaughn-Cooke, F. (1976). The implementation of phonological change: The case for resyllabification in Black English.  Dissertation Abstracts International, 38(01), 234a (University Microfilms No. AAC7714537).

Vaughn-Cooke, F. (1987).  Are Black and White vernaculars diverging? Papers from the NWAVE-XVI panel discussion.  American Speech, 62, 12-32.

Wolfram, W. (1969).  A Sociolinguistic Description of Detroit Negro Speech.  Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics.

Wolfram, W. (1989). Structural variability in phonological development: Final nasals in vernacular Black English.  In R. Fasold & D. Schiffren (Eds.), Current Issues in Linguistic Theory: Language Change and Variation.  Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 301-332.

Wolfram, W. (1994).  The phonology of a sociocultural variety: The case of African American Vernacular English.  In J. Bernthal & N. Bankson (Eds.), Child Phonology: Characteristics, Assessment, and Intervention with Special Populations.  New York: Thieme, pp. 227-244.

Wolfram, W., & Schilling-Estes, N.  (1998).  American English:  Dialects and Variation.  Oxford:  Blackwell.